首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 19 毫秒
1.
Current debates on the prevention of an arms race in outer space are dominated by the traditional perspective of international strategic balance. This article addresses the issue through the often-neglected lens of environmental protection, reviewing a number of environmental instruments as they relate to outer space. It argues that environmental protection, as a non-traditional element, is an instrumental impetus for arms control. The current regime leaves the door open for states to develop conventional orbital weapons and ground-based anti-satellite weapons (ASATs), which would have a significant adverse impact on the space environment. Thus the law of environmental protection is deficient in effectively protecting the space environment from pollution resulting from military activities. It is further argued that the space arms control regime should be strengthened for humanity's common interest in a sustainable space environment. Preferably an international treaty should be concluded to prohibit testing, deployment and use of space-based weapons and ASATs. These substantive obligations also conform to the requirements of safeguarding international peace and security, and the security interests of spacefaring countries.  相似文献   

2.
Space systems are essential to the global economy and security. The possibility of disruptions arising from competition between the United States and China through the testing and deployment of weapons in space has led to concerns over an incipient space arms race that would threaten satellites, leading to international calls for a space arms control treaty. The paper presents a rationalist theory analysis on the lack of progress in establishing such a treaty, identifying the United States' position of primacy in the global order and its preeminence in space as a primary cause.  相似文献   

3.
Dr Jasani argues the urgent case for establishing an international satellite monitoring agency, with an arms control and conflict observation satellite (ACCOS). He gives examples of recent technology advances and cites the imminent major development of space weapons by the USA and the USSR as a pressing reason for setting up a verification and crisis control mechanism. Both Europe and the non-aligned nations are in a position to participate in orbiting an ACCOS.  相似文献   

4.
Although precise terminology has been invented for all kinds of weapons and battle theories, the language used for arms control remains vague. Precise definitions and demarcations for arms control concepts and regions of outer space can make disarmament discussions more specific and thus more productive. Thie viewpoint puts forward a proposed terminology, in the hope that it will increase the prospects for control of space weapons.  相似文献   

5.
Space weapons     
Bhupendra Jasani   《Space Policy》1985,1(2):164-178
  相似文献   

6.
The 2008 Russia–China proposal to the Conference on Disarmament on preventing space weapons has attracted wide attention. Lengthy debates have been made on the need for such a treaty and for two of its most disputed elements, namely prohibition of ground-based anti-satellite weapons and verification. This article argues that, regardless of verifiability, such a treaty is urgently needed for the benefit of international peace and security, and for the security interests of spacefaring countries. But in order to serve these purposes effectively, the treaty should at least explicitly prohibit testing, deployment and use of space-based weapons and ground-based anti-satellite weapons. Given the necessary political will, it is feasible to “adequately verify” these constraints. The verification regime should permit the incorporation of new measures in the future, combine international technical means and national technical means, combine remote-sensing technologies and on-site inspections, and be complemented by transparency and confidence-building measures.  相似文献   

7.
This article examines the international legal and diplomatic questions relating to arms control and disarmament, focusing on space-based activities. These relate importantly to the development of anti-satellite satellites (ASATs) and ballistic missile defence systems (BMDs). Part I of the article examines the goal of ‘peaceful uses’ of outer space as elaborated in national policies and in international fora, the debate that has has taken place at the international level over the meaning and definition of peaceful purposes, legal manoeuvres, particularly in the UN, and US responses, and recent Soviet initiatives relating to space militarization. Part II will appear in the next issue, and will consider the US Presidential-Congressional dialogue on these questions and recent Presidential initiatives.  相似文献   

8.
The launch of the Israeli satellite Ofeq-1 during September 1988 has significant regional and global implications. These include the proliferation of both surveillance satellites and ballistic missiles, the latter having the potential to deliver conventional, chemical and nuclear warheads to areas situated many hundreds of miles away. This paper addresses both the origins of the Israeli booster technology and the many implications of the satellite launch. It then speculates on their political and arms control consequences. It concludes that in light of the parallelism that has evolved between nuclear and chemical weapons and ballistic missiles, there is an increasing need to develop global and, if appropriate, regional and bilateral strategies to limit missile proliferation and bring the issue to the forefront of international political debate.  相似文献   

9.
A proposal for an international satellite monitoring agency (ISMA) to verify arms control agreements was first made by France in 1978, and has been received enthusiastically, although not by the superpowers. The technologies available for verification are proliferating, and many countries feel they can make a useful contribution. The authors examine the impact an ISMA would actually have on international security and arms control, and propose several alternative avenues for international participation in verification.  相似文献   

10.
This paper examines the use of remote sensing satellites for verification in public international law. Verification always depends on the specific agreement or mission to be verified. There are no general framework rules: the means of verification and the verifying authorities vary from agreement to agreement and from mission to mission. Rapid technological development and the intensifying international cooperation have led to an increasing number of international verification missions. Whereas, in the past, verification was at the heart of intelligence and national services, the commercialization of the remote sensing industry and the information revolution have supported the creation of joint initiatives in this field. Traditionally, verification is associated with disarmament and arms control treaties, but the paper will underline that this is only one field of application for verification missions. It is important to note that there is no binding international regime specifically addressing such activity. The lack of legal certainty in this field also applies to the use of remotely sensed data as evidence in legal proceedings.  相似文献   

11.
Verification of arms control treaties is essential to provide adequate international confidence in treaty compliance. This Viewpoint underlines the responsibility of non-superpower countries to become more closely involved in space surveillance of treaties to which they are parties. In Canada, Paxsat research has focused on two potential applications of space-based remote sensing to multi-lateral arms control verification. The necessary technology is readily available in non-superpower countries for the Paxsat concept to be put into operation.  相似文献   

12.
大力推进导弹防御系统(MD)的研制和部署是美谋求绝对优势的重要举措。系统分析了美国导弹防御系统(BMDS)发展的基本态势和未来走向,以及其对国际军备控制的影响。  相似文献   

13.
Bhupendra Jasani   《Space Policy》2001,17(4):243-247
With the revival of the US national missile defence, there is a danger of jeopardising not only the existing arms control and disarmament process, but also some of the measures that are on the table in the United Nations for negotiations. Examples of these are the prevention of an arms race in outer space and the nuclear fissile materials cut-off agreement. In this paper, the missile defence issues are examined. It is suggested that, if the US builds a missile defence system that is allowed by the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty between the USA and Russia, it could achieve its goal of defending itself against a limited missile attack. With this kind of approach, it may be possible to save many of the long-standing bilateral and multilateral treaties and prevent the beginning of a new and much wider nuclear arms race.  相似文献   

14.
After years of international stalemate talks on space arms control were finally initiated in Geneva in 2009. The position of the new US administration, however, is still waiting to be defined. This article assesses the advantages and disadvantages of different arms control proposals by looking at them from the perspectives of interdependence theory, neoliberal institutionalism and neo-realism, respectively. They all come to similar conclusions as far as conventional military power and security are concerned: any formal or informal ban on debris-producing activities in space would be highly advantageous to the USA and its allies. When the analysis also takes into account US missile defense policy, however, a neo-realist perspective shows rather mixed results.  相似文献   

15.
Using the global commons for “peaceful purposes” is agreed upon among states in principle but disputed in substance. While non-militarization has been superceded by the doctrine of non-aggression, the latter, as a necessary rather than sufficient condition for “peaceful purposes”, is tested to its limit by the pressing issue of space weaponization. An international treaty to plug the gaps of the Outer Space Treaty should be negotiated. This would require the prohibition of both weapons in outer space and anti-satellite weapons on Earth. The Draft Treaty on Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Outer Space and of the Threat or Use of Force against Outer Space Objects, proposed by Russia and China at the Conference on Disarmament, is an effort in this direction. However, divided views are held on several issues arising from the draft treaty, e.g. the efficiency of the current regime of outer space law, definitions of “weapons in space” and “threat or use of force”, and verification. A primary reason for US opposition to the draft treaty are security concerns over its space assets. However, exercising the right of self-defense is excluded from the obligations of disarmament and this is explicitly affirmed in the draft treaty.  相似文献   

16.
James Clay Moltz   《Space Policy》2007,23(4):199-205
Despite predictions to the contrary at various times from 1957 to 2007, the first 50 years of space security have ended without an arms race or military combat. Arguably, the three riskiest years were 1962, 1983, and 2001. Looking for lessons from these cases, we can identify four primary trends that helped states avoid arms races and direct conflicts in orbit: (1) risks of collective “bads”; (2) fear of action–reaction dynamics; (3) the high cost of space weapons; and (4) the asset of transparency. As we look ahead, trends toward a continued focus on these factors in space security seem strong. But successful prevention of future space warfare will require strengthened forms of individual and collective restraint by all actors in space.  相似文献   

17.
This article continues a detailed examination of the international legal and diplomatic questions relating to arms control and disarmament, focusing on space-based activities. These are importantly concerned with the development of anti-satellite (ASAT) systems and ballistic missile defence (BMD). This part of the article considers the US Presidential-Congressional dialogue - particularly the ASAT testing issue - and Presidential initiatives vis-à-vis the USSR. An epilogue to the original paper considers the diplomatic moves and policy shifts which contributed to the January 1985 US-Soviet meeting and the agreement to begin bilateral negotiations to consider space and nuclear arms.  相似文献   

18.
Sustained criticism of the strategy of nuclear deterrence and technological developments in the military uses of space suggest that nuclear weapons may soon be replaced by control of outer space as the USA and USSR's primary instrument of global power. This article traces the change in perceptions of nuclear weapons policy and assesses the potential of outer space as a means of control, and the plans of the two superpowers for its exploitation, especially in the military sphere. The consequences for Western Europe of a shift from nuclear to space-based weapons as the primary guarantor of national security are also discussed.  相似文献   

19.
Canada is a space power with unique technical niches that support opportunities for collaboration on space technologies. When U.S.-origin space technologies are involved Canada's ability to collaborate internationally may be conditional on US law and policy. As a result, US export control law can be directly linked to the success or failure of Canadian collaboration. This article examines the strategic impact of U.S. export controls on Canadian autonomy to collaborate on international missions, including multi-use missions. Canadian space export control policy is also examined more broadly with the goal of providing specific policy recommendations that will enhance Canada's future as an international space actor.  相似文献   

20.
捷联惯性导航系统传递对准技术研究现状及发展趋势   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
刘毅  刘志俭 《航天控制》2004,22(5):50-55
传递对准是指载体在航行时 ,载体上需要对准的子惯导系统利用高精度的主惯导系统信息进行初始对准的方法。传递对准是新一代快速反应、机动发射武器系统的关键技术 ,它的成功应用可以极大的提高武器系统的反应速度和防区外攻击能力。本文综合分析了国内外传递对准技术的现状及发展趋势 ,对常用的捷联惯性导航系统的传递对准模型进行了重点阐述 ,并指出进一步研究的方向  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号