Lifting the veil on CORONA

Information on some of the USA's military space reconnaisance programs has recently been declassified, allowing details of the nature of the technology used and its capabilities to be publicly aired. In this article, a personal account of the situation leading up to the creation of the USA's first military satellite system — named CORONA — is provided, along with discussion of its design, development and program management. CORONA's enormous impact on intelligence gathering is assessed; lessons learned from the program are presented.     

Competitiveness of the European space industry. Lessons from Europe's role in NATO

This article aims to illustrate how the predominant role of the US military space capabilities within NATO adversely affects the European space industry's competitiveness and performance, as compared with the USA space industry. Thus, first the intra-NATO specialization is illustrated, followed by an analysis of the economics of the space industry. The connection is made through an economics model whose results verify the hypothesis, and predicts that the recent commitment by the WEU to military space can improve the position of the European space industry, especially if followed by close cooperation between the WEU and ESA.     

A security space capability for Europe? Implications for US policy

As the European Union takes tentative steps towards creating a “rapid reaction force” able to operate independently of NATO, an important question is what capabilities that force must have in order to operate effectively. Among those capabilities is the use of space systems for communications and intelligence applications. This article examines the prospects for an independent security space capability in Europe, and the implications of the emerging European interest in space autonomy for US policy.     

Reforming European space governance

The structures governing European space activity, now some 50 years old, require reform to take better account of the plethora of space uses, the growing involvement in space of the EU and the variable degree of European integration. Adopting a method that involves identifying weaknesses in governance – e.g. lack of a European military space programme; problems in maintaining operational service continuity; opposition to change – the authors argue that only by harmonising its decision making and coherently integrating its public organisations will Europe be able to achieve a space programme commensurate with its technical capabilities and its political dimension.     

The European Defence Agency and EU military space policy: Whose space odyssey?

This paper analyses the growing involvement of the European Defence Agency (EA) in the field of space, suggesting that this is symptomatic of the greater importance now being placed on military space by the European Union. It charts the history of the agency in general and its role in space in particular, delineating the many synergetic relations it has with other space-related institutions at EU level. It argues that EDA is as much a response to socioeconomic as strategic considerations, and that it acts to protect European competitiveness in the arms field, thereby highlighting the rising significance of EU military space policy for European security and military institutions.     

Dominance in space — a new means of exercising global power?

Sustained criticism of the strategy of nuclear deterrence and technological developments in the military uses of space suggest that nuclear weapons may soon be replaced by control of outer space as the USA and USSR's primary instrument of global power. This article traces the change in perceptions of nuclear weapons policy and assesses the potential of outer space as a means of control, and the plans of the two superpowers for its exploitation, especially in the military sphere. The consequences for Western Europe of a shift from nuclear to space-based weapons as the primary guarantor of national security are also discussed.     

Will China become a military space superpower?

China's ambitious space program was born in extremely poor national conditions in 1956. By 15 October 2003, with the successful return of the Shenzhou-4 manned space flight, it had developed dramatically. While this flight is a milestone in China's space capabilities, the Shenzhou-4 mission should be considered not as an end, but as the entry ticket to the space power club of the USA and Russia. China may now be a space power, but it is not yet a military space superpower in the way of the latter two countries. This paper investigates whether China will become a military space superpower by reviewing the development of its space program. It examines Chinese military space capabilities in terms of their military space potential, and discusses the political, military and economic implications of this issue. Finally, the paper suggests that China should continue to take the road to openness, focusing on commercial and economic efforts. This will be an alternative direction in which the country can consider exactly what space capabilities it needs in order to continue its economic development.     

Earth observation using low cost micro/minisatellites

Surrey Satellite Technology Ltd (SSTL) at the University of Surrey (UK) has pioneered cost-effective satellite engineering techniques for smaller, faster, cheaper satellites to provide affordable access to space. SSTL has designed, built, launched and operated a series of twelve 50kg microsatellites in low Earth orbit which carry a wide range of satellite communications, space science, remote sensing and in-orbit technology demonstration payloads — for both civil and military applications. Each of these has been built and launched for around US$3M. This paper reviews SSTL's remote sensing capabilities and presents image results from the microsatellite cameras in low Earth in orbit. The latest microsatellites (TMSAT & FASat-Bravo) under construction at SSTL and due for launch in mid-1997 will provide 3-band multispectral imaging with 80-metre resolution; autonomous on-board image analysis, processing and compression prior to transmission direct to ground-based users employing small portable terminals.     

Security implications of remote sensing

Major technical advances in remote sensing have developed sophisticated systems with both extensive military and civilian applications. Not only the USA and USSR, but a growing number of other countries such as China, France, India and Japan are actively engaged in remote-sensing R&D. This article reviews the capabilities of civilian satellite technologies and programmes of various nations, and examines the implications for national and international security. Many states are concerned about the commercial availability of data on their economic resources and national security-related activities. A particular problem is the possible misinterpretation of remotely-sensed data.     

美国调整军事航天器的发展策略

美国对军事航天器的依赖性不断增强,也面临着航天器越来越长的研制周期和越来越高的研制成本,因此,改变军事航天器的发展策略成为当务之急。美国为提升战场实战能力正在进行发展思路的战略性调整,主要包括:拓展搭载军事有效载荷的途径;推进将大型卫星有效载荷拆分成小卫星的模式;开发分布式军事太空系统结构;对运载资源挖潜;优化商业模式实现业务拓展。对已有卫星的后续系统,进行规模改造与能力提升途径的调整,主要包括:对于军事通信卫星,扩大宽带或"超高频"(SHF)系统,突出窄带或"特高频"(UHF)系统及"先进极高频"(AEHF)系统;分步升级GPS的地面部分,将GPS-3提升为国家关键基础设施;确保导弹预警卫星系统重点。在开发新系统时,美国注重提高效能和降低成本,发展有效的支持能力和低成本小卫星系统,提高低成本机动发射和快速进入太空的能力,并以轨道资源利用为目的开拓新途径。     

A new era? Military space policy enters the mainstream

A military dimension to the use of space has existed since the earliest days of space activity. Historically, military space policy has been somewhat peripheral, but the ever increasing use of space in support of military objectives has now driven it into the mainstream of military planning. This has resulted in new consideration being given, particularly in the USA, to the organisation of space for national security and also raised the question as to whether national security interests demand space superiority and dominance.     

A European military space community: Reality or dream?

Europe is faced with several essential policy decisions with regard to the exploitation of space technology. Important issues are: the relations between civilian and military uses of outer space, employment opportunities, industrial and commercial interests, European security and international stability, regional and international cooperation. Concerted action is required for political reasons and in order to achieve the necessary scientific, technological and economic critical masses. Another major policy issue is, therefore, whether Europe should expand its space venture in the framework of a European military space community as proposed by France, through national or bilateral programmes, by participating in the US SDI research, or through NATO, the Independent European Programme Group, the Western European Union, or the European Space Agency.     

Talking space: The European Commission's changing frames in defining Galileo

This paper traces the way in which the European Commission has framed and reframed the issue of EU satellite navigation over 20 years. It investigates how the EU's agenda-setter has ‘talked about’ space policy, with a particular focus on Galileo, and how its own institutional discourse – as revealed in its communications throughout the agenda-setting stage of Galileo's ‘definition’ phase – evolved in the 1990s through the use of ‘frame sets’. In so doing, it illustrates the ways in which, over time, the EU's executive has ‘projected’ the issue of independent satellite navigation capabilities as being politically and economically desirable for Europe, and has sought to persuade decision makers of its cross-policy relevance and potential economic, social and security benefits. The article deconstructs official documents and engages in a close-up analysis of policy formulation, to identify nascent, evolving and mature frames in the definition of Galileo.     

The EU should freeze its military ambitions in space

In a clear departure from previous policies and activities, the European Union, together with the European Space Agency, have embarked on a series of military and security related space activities in recent years, often under the umbrella of largely civilian programmes. Such dual-use space programmes not only silently introduce military use of space in the context of the EU, they are to become an integral and essential part of the EU’s growing military ambitions. While these ambitions are opposed by large sections of European society, the EU has made milspace projects a top priority, with no international answer yet to the real and growing risks of military rivalry in space.     

Space and ESDP—a growing partnership?

The ‘European satellites for security’ conference was held in Brussels, 18–19 June 2002, at a time when interest in the military use of outer space was clearly growing. But doubts remain as how to far such interest will be translated into action. This article reports on some of the impressions gained at the conference.     

‘Did you see that,grandpa Mao?’ The prestige and propaganda rationales of the Chinese space program

China has seen a dramatic acceleration in the scope and capabilities of its space program in the past decade. This has been coupled with significantly increased global economic presence and influence as well as a steady improvement of its military capabilities. China's emergence as a major world actor has encouraged the emergence of a ‘China threat’ school of thought which interprets all Chinese policy, including its space program, as an evidence of a threatening challenge to US dominance in which the pursuit of a range of military space capabilities plays a central role. This article challenges that interpretation, arguing that China's space program is the product of a range of factors including powerful domestic political and developmental rationales and that the program is overwhelmingly driven by domestic rather than international considerations, particularly in terms of the use of the program for the purposes of enhancing prestige.     

Globalization, commercial space and spacepower in the USA

Economic and commercial spacepower is about market dominance and control. The USA is still the largest investor in space in the world and the technological and commercial leader in many areas but its leadership is being challenged. When other nations have similar capabilities, control becomes a problem, assuming, as is the case with space, that control is also a critical issue in security. Moreover, exerting spacepower may be inconsistent with expanded commercial developments in space, raising investment risks and creating incentives for foreign competitors. To the extent that global market opportunity is denied by restrictive commercial policies, spacepower from a purely international economic competitive perspective is diminished. Though it is encouraging that the US commercial space policies have been in Presidential Documents over the past 20 years, they have been unintentionally undermined to a large extent by other policies, with security almost always trumping commerce. This paper examines the way globalization and commercial space developments have changed the nature of spacepower and suggests that the USA's reactions to these changes have not thus far served it well.     

A knowledge-based architecture for planning military intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance

One of the most important objectives of military intelligence is to warn of potential or immediate threats. This paper investigates several related research issues. First, what kinds of data can military space provide, with which to watch, monitor, and analyze hostile forces? Second, what operational mechanisms can work to integrate military intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance? Third, how can a system architecture in support of intelligence operations be implemented for decision support and knowledge management? The paper investigates how research work can contribute a system concept with military space applications to national defense and security. It investigates the use of a geographical information system as a system platform for integrating the spatial database, attribute database, rule base, case base and knowledge repository as a knowledge-based decision support system. A hypothetical case showing how the system is implemented is presented.     

How far – if at all – should the USA cooperate with China in space?

China has engaged in a steady, long-standing effort to build and strengthen its space capabilities, achieving progressively more ambitious milestones and staking its claim as a major space power. It is also increasingly engaging in cooperative efforts. A number of issues must be weighed, however, before the USA should consider any collaboration with it. These include the essentially military nature of China’s space program, the fact that China’s intentions in space and decision-making process are far from ‘transparent’, and the way it uses its space activities to pursue foreign policy goals. While the latter could be useful in, e.g., reducing tensions on the Korean peninsular through a space-services-for-giving-up-missiles tradeoff, and while there is scope for collaboration in space science missions, there are no compelling reasons for the USA to pursue cooperation in human spaceflight with China.     

Asia in space: The awakening of China and Japan

The increasingly important role of China and Japan in international space activities can be seen as a threat to the two great space-exporting powers, the USA and Europe. China is already a competitor on the satellite launch market, and will soon be able to market satellites which are simpler and cheaper than those offered by Western industry. Japan is making steady progress towards autonomy in all fields of space technology. This article details the space experience of China and Japan. They are following different paths but both will have a strong presence in the cosmos by the year 2000.