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1.
Sustained criticism of the strategy of nuclear deterrence and technological developments in the military uses of space suggest that nuclear weapons may soon be replaced by control of outer space as the USA and USSR's primary instrument of global power. This article traces the change in perceptions of nuclear weapons policy and assesses the potential of outer space as a means of control, and the plans of the two superpowers for its exploitation, especially in the military sphere. The consequences for Western Europe of a shift from nuclear to space-based weapons as the primary guarantor of national security are also discussed.  相似文献   

2.
Europe is faced with several essential policy decisions with regard to the exploitation of space technology. Important issues are: the relations between civilian and military uses of outer space, employment opportunities, industrial and commercial interests, European security and international stability, regional and international cooperation. Concerted action is required for political reasons and in order to achieve the necessary scientific, technological and economic critical masses. Another major policy issue is, therefore, whether Europe should expand its space venture in the framework of a European military space community as proposed by France, through national or bilateral programmes, by participating in the US SDI research, or through NATO, the Independent European Programme Group, the Western European Union, or the European Space Agency.  相似文献   

3.
A new era? Military space policy enters the mainstream   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Alasdair McLean   《Space Policy》2000,16(4):243-247
A military dimension to the use of space has existed since the earliest days of space activity. Historically, military space policy has been somewhat peripheral, but the ever increasing use of space in support of military objectives has now driven it into the mainstream of military planning. This has resulted in new consideration being given, particularly in the USA, to the organisation of space for national security and also raised the question as to whether national security interests demand space superiority and dominance.  相似文献   

4.
Kazuto Suzuki   《Space Policy》2007,23(2):73-80
Since its beginning the objective of Japanese space policy has been to ‘catch up’ with advanced spacefaring countries. However, this catching-up strategy is now facing several difficulties, because of the downturn in the economy and changing political and technological circumstances. In such circumstances the Japanese space community has realized the need to change its national space strategy. In 2005 a group of powerful Japanese politicians issued a report on constructing a national space strategy, which recommended that the government establish a new decision-making structure by creating a new Basic Law of Space Activities. These efforts underline the need for Japanese space to shift the focus of its policy from technological development to applications.  相似文献   

5.
Chin Young Hwang   《Space Policy》2006,22(3):194-199
Korea has participated in space development only since the 1990s. Despite its short history, Korea has been increasing its technological capabilities with the successful experience of several national projects. The Korean government established a long-term space development plan in 1996, which suggests a clear way forward for space development up to 2015. Space activities in Korea will grow continuously. The direction of future space activities will be decided by the national space development plan. This paper discusses Korea's past and present space activities and future development projects.  相似文献   

6.
As one of the three former Soviet republics engaged in space activities, the Ukraine has had to formulate new national space legislation as a means of demonstrating a responsible attitude to the international security system, of harmonising its legislation with that of its international political and economic partners and of creating clear guidelines for investors. This article presents the background to the formation of Ukrainian space law, describes some of the new laws enacted and discusses these within the context of international space law. Particular attention is paid to the legal regulation of commercial activities, to dual-use issues and to the effect of international cooperation on Ukrainian space law development.  相似文献   

7.
Jeff Kingwell   《Space Policy》1999,15(1):567
This personal view of trends in global space enterprise suggests that, unless they adapt and re-structure, large-scale national and regional space agencies built on traditional lines may struggle to survive, at least in the developed world. With the growing maturity of speculative private sector space initiatives, the role of traditional space agencies as project managers and mediators between providers and the market may become redundant, while in the absence of a cogent national security argument, public interest in space is no longer to be relied upon to deliver large national space budgets. Australia’s newest space mission, the FedSat scientific microsatellite, was announced at the same time as the former national space program was terminated. This process and its consequences are examined as an instance of microeconomic reform, which seeks to improve productivity and competitiveness by producing a regulatory and infrastructure environment that gives business more flexibility. Historical circumstances unique to Australia may have contributed to this change of direction, but many contributing elements also apply elsewhere. The features of the new approach are identification of public sector space needs; selecting the most suitable team from both public and private sectors to manage the project; and the acceptance of a large proportion of the risk by the proponents.  相似文献   

8.
Henry R. Hertzfeld   《Space Policy》2007,23(4):210-220
Economic and commercial spacepower is about market dominance and control. The USA is still the largest investor in space in the world and the technological and commercial leader in many areas but its leadership is being challenged. When other nations have similar capabilities, control becomes a problem, assuming, as is the case with space, that control is also a critical issue in security. Moreover, exerting spacepower may be inconsistent with expanded commercial developments in space, raising investment risks and creating incentives for foreign competitors. To the extent that global market opportunity is denied by restrictive commercial policies, spacepower from a purely international economic competitive perspective is diminished. Though it is encouraging that the US commercial space policies have been in Presidential Documents over the past 20 years, they have been unintentionally undermined to a large extent by other policies, with security almost always trumping commerce. This paper examines the way globalization and commercial space developments have changed the nature of spacepower and suggests that the USA's reactions to these changes have not thus far served it well.  相似文献   

9.
After years of international stalemate talks on space arms control were finally initiated in Geneva in 2009. The position of the new US administration, however, is still waiting to be defined. This article assesses the advantages and disadvantages of different arms control proposals by looking at them from the perspectives of interdependence theory, neoliberal institutionalism and neo-realism, respectively. They all come to similar conclusions as far as conventional military power and security are concerned: any formal or informal ban on debris-producing activities in space would be highly advantageous to the USA and its allies. When the analysis also takes into account US missile defense policy, however, a neo-realist perspective shows rather mixed results.  相似文献   

10.
Following previous work on space and internal security as part of the European Space Policy Institute's (ESPI) Space and Security programme, ESPI initiated a workshop dealing with an issue of high political as well as public concern – using space as an instrument in the broader strategic context of maritime security – together with the Austrian Institute for European and Security Policy (AIES), which has special expertise in security matters related to Europe. Over 50 high-ranking professionals took part in the 30 November 2009 event, “Space and Maritime Security - Strategies and Capabilities to Counter Piracy”, held at the Austrian Chamber of Commerce (WKÖ) in Vienna. The use of space assets for maritime security has moved up the political agenda as a result of the reliance of the EU ATALANTA NAVFOR mission on services and data provided by the European Union Satellite Centre (EUSC). The workshop therefore addressed technological capabilities as well as industrial approaches in the context of the political framework conditions. It provided a dialogue between space and non-space security communities.  相似文献   

11.
The successful innovation and diffusion of commercial satellite enterprises may soon encroach upon the military's historic predominance in remote-sensing capabilities. The increasing world demand for remote-sensing data and services and the forces of globalization have opened unprecedented opportunities for informational and technological trade for industrialized nations, while simultaneously creating a risk to both state security and individual privacy rights. Even as scientists and international trade advocates have sought technologies to bolster information flows, the intelligence and military communities have sought to restrict technological access in the interest of national security. The tension caused by concentrating power among various levels of government is an intrinsic part of democratic government; however, remote-sensing technologies could disrupt the balance between concentrated interests (federal government officials and agencies) and diffused interests (local governments and individual citizens). This paper aims to examine holistically the opposing forces underlying the development, diffusion, and use of remote-sensing technologies. The analysis reveals the dimensions of this problem and provides insight into the efficacy of various short- and long-term government policies.  相似文献   

12.
推进知识产权工作的目的是促进国防科技成果的转化。我国国防军工企事业单位知识产权工作的总体水平与国外先进企业相比,存在较大的差距。航天企业要高度重视知识产权工作,特别要提高对知识产权战略地位的认识,制定有关自主创新和知识产权的策略,用以提高企业的竞争力。  相似文献   

13.
Has the current US space policy improved the USA's overall strategic position? Does it affect favorably international partnerships? These questions are examined in terms of security, political economy, and influence. In today's context, where there are more space players, more options, more potential for unintended consequences, and higher stakes, unilateral action is more limited in its effectiveness than in earlier times. Surveying current US space policy, it is not clear that data-driven, analytically based decisions are being made to affect positively national independence, innovation, market creation, and international perceptions of the USA as a trustworthy partner. More promising are the steps taken to bolster a predictable space operational environment and economic competitiveness. Ultimately, in order to achieve American excellence and leadership, a ‘closed loop’ on the policy system is needed, to gauge regularly and systematically whether the US is achieving the desired national outcomes.  相似文献   

14.
Japan's future trajectory in security policy and the extent of deviation from the post-war course of a constrained military stance have been the source of constant academic and policy debate. Japanese policy-makers have maintained that national security policy has shown no fundamental deviation, and that this can be benchmarked against a range of constant anti-militaristic principles. The advent of BMD, however, poses significant questions over whether Japan is continuing to follow a similar security trajectory. This article examines how BMD has challenged four key anti-militaristic principles—the non-exercise of collective self-defence, the non-military use of space, the ban on the export of weapons technology, and strict civilian control of the military—and uses this assessment to judge how BMD is driving remilitarisation. It concludes that BMD's impact is highly significant in transgressing these anti-militaristic principles and is thus indicating a more remilitarised security path for Japan developing now and in the future.  相似文献   

15.
China's opaque politics present particular difficulties for US space policy. Heavily invested in and reliant on space, the US will closely monitor China's burgeoning space program. New space powers, and the increasing use of space generally will further create significant challenges, most particularly to the reliance of states on space for national security. In order to maintain its space capabilities, the US will have to decide between securing this via multilateral and co-operative uses of space, or through trying to maintain a level of dominance over other space actors. While very gradually shifting away from the latter position, Washington's policy choices are complicated by the lack of a clear Chinese space strategy. While the Chinese space program, and its wider intentions, are opaque, tenure of a more cooperative approach course might prove fragile.  相似文献   

16.
There is as yet no widely accepted theory of spacepower, although links to the development of seapower theory are generally acknowledged. An ongoing NDU study is building a framework to explicate the fundamental aspects of spacepower and its relation to the pursuit of a variety of objectives. Two distinct “ages” of the current space era can be discerned, the first based on Cold War competition and the need for prestige, the second based on the requirement for information in a globalized world. The most important features of future space activity are likely to be economic development, and national and international security. Developing a spacepower theory will provide an opportunity to maximize the benefits of space for global society.  相似文献   

17.
Developments in remote-sensing technology have prompted suggestions that the news media could soon make routine use of newsgathering from space. A satellite system dedicated to this purpose (a ‘Mediasat’) could supply critical information. Government policy makers, however, fear that the media's use of such technology could affect national security, foreign relations and personal privacy. This article assesses US government policy on current and future newsgathering from space, and the technical potential for a Mediasat system. The authors raise doubts about the commercial viability of Mediasat, and point out that existing media sources already provide information on news stories. They conclude that concerns over the use of data from space will have to be met on a case-by-case basis as the media gain experience, using the same criteria now applied to balance the right of freedom of information with the need for national security.  相似文献   

18.
The exploration of space can be seen as contributing to both technological innovation and national pride. But is it worth the expense - and who should pay? Anthony Gottlieb discusses some of the issues raised at a conference held in March 1988 at Ditchley Park, Oxon, UK.  相似文献   

19.
Athough a poor nation with limited resources, India has spent large amounts of money on sophisticated space programme. It is pursuing a policy of using high technology to solve the country's social and economic problems, and at the same time to strengthen its international position. Satellite-aided communications, educational programmes, meteorology and resources survey and management are thus priority areas. This article examines the history and achievements of India's space programme, and considers the constraints faced and budget and staffing plans. Foreign policy and national security aspects are covered in detail, including the question of whether India's peaceful space policy can be put to military use.  相似文献   

20.
Through a techno-nationalist lens, this paper will assess the growing China–European Union (EU) space partnership, and its implications for international space cooperation and competition. Techno-nationalism (jishu minzuzhuyi), the idea that technological strength is an effective determinant of national power in a harshly competitive world,3 informs both Chinese and US perceptions of China's space development. Using this lens elevates all space activities—manned, unmanned, military and scientific—to the strategic level. It is our contention that because of the increasing China–EU space partnership, the USA must re-evaluate its approach to China—away from the containment approach, which has thus far predominated, toward an approach which would offer the USA the opportunity to influence and, thereby, decrease the importance of the emerging partnership.  相似文献   

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