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1.
Allan M. Din 《Space Policy》1985,1(2):151-152
Scientists have a special responsibility in helping to further the goal of arms control in outer space. Allan Din argues that it is incumbent upon them to study the development of weapons and the arms race, influence policy making at the national and international levels, and publicize the necessity of arms control. The author believes that a treaty controlling use of anti-satellite weapons is urgently required, while a long-term goal must be the formation of an international satellite monitoring agency to regulate use of intelligence-gathering indirect weapons.  相似文献   

2.
Columba Peoples   《Space Policy》2010,26(4):205-208
Discussions of space security tend to recurrently return to the vexed issue of the ‘militarization’ and ‘weaponization’ of outer space. Debate over whether or not a sustainable definition can be maintained between these two concepts has been a feature of both academic and policy discourses, and has been particularly contentious with regard to new proposals for arms control in outer space. Yet, this paper argues, the militarization/weaponization debate fails to capture to vagaries of contemporary space policy with regard to understandings of ‘security’, and is in this sense an insufficient way of approaching the subject of space security in the first instance. Instead it is now more accurate to say that outer space is becoming ever more ‘securitized’: that is, access to space is now commonly framed as crucial to the military, economic and environmental security of leading states and international organizations.  相似文献   

3.
This article examines the international legal and diplomatic questions relating to arms control and disarmament, focusing on space-based activities. These relate importantly to the development of anti-satellite satellites (ASATs) and ballistic missile defence systems (BMDs). Part I of the article examines the goal of ‘peaceful uses’ of outer space as elaborated in national policies and in international fora, the debate that has has taken place at the international level over the meaning and definition of peaceful purposes, legal manoeuvres, particularly in the UN, and US responses, and recent Soviet initiatives relating to space militarization. Part II will appear in the next issue, and will consider the US Presidential-Congressional dialogue on these questions and recent Presidential initiatives.  相似文献   

4.
Space systems are essential to the global economy and security. The possibility of disruptions arising from competition between the United States and China through the testing and deployment of weapons in space has led to concerns over an incipient space arms race that would threaten satellites, leading to international calls for a space arms control treaty. The paper presents a rationalist theory analysis on the lack of progress in establishing such a treaty, identifying the United States' position of primacy in the global order and its preeminence in space as a primary cause.  相似文献   

5.
The thirty-ninth session of the United Nations General Assembly affirmed ‘that complete and general disarmament warrants that outer space should be used exclusively for peaceful purposes and that it shall not become an arena for an arms race’.This text appears in the first of two important resolutions concerning outer space adopted by the General Assembly during its last session. Also in the first resolution, entitled ‘Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space’ (A/39/59 of 12 December 1984), the Assembly called upon all states, particularly those with major space capabilities, to contribute actively to the objective of the peaceful uses of outer space and to take immediate measures to prevent an arms race in outer space in the interest of maintaining international peace and security and promoting international cooperation and understanding.  相似文献   

6.
This is the text of a report prepared by the UN Secretary-General, International Cooperation in Space Activities for Enhancing Security in the Post-Cold War Era. It discusses what can be done in this field - both by states acting cooperatively and by the relevant specialized agencies of the UN - in areas such as arms control and conversion of military technologies, commercialization and proliferation, environmental protection and scientific and technical cooperation. Various confidence-building measures to increase global security are discussed and the need to improve developing countries' access to space technology via the establishment of regional education centres and an international space information centre is emphasized.  相似文献   

7.
Using the global commons for “peaceful purposes” is agreed upon among states in principle but disputed in substance. While non-militarization has been superceded by the doctrine of non-aggression, the latter, as a necessary rather than sufficient condition for “peaceful purposes”, is tested to its limit by the pressing issue of space weaponization. An international treaty to plug the gaps of the Outer Space Treaty should be negotiated. This would require the prohibition of both weapons in outer space and anti-satellite weapons on Earth. The Draft Treaty on Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Outer Space and of the Threat or Use of Force against Outer Space Objects, proposed by Russia and China at the Conference on Disarmament, is an effort in this direction. However, divided views are held on several issues arising from the draft treaty, e.g. the efficiency of the current regime of outer space law, definitions of “weapons in space” and “threat or use of force”, and verification. A primary reason for US opposition to the draft treaty are security concerns over its space assets. However, exercising the right of self-defense is excluded from the obligations of disarmament and this is explicitly affirmed in the draft treaty.  相似文献   

8.
The 2008 Russia–China proposal to the Conference on Disarmament on preventing space weapons has attracted wide attention. Lengthy debates have been made on the need for such a treaty and for two of its most disputed elements, namely prohibition of ground-based anti-satellite weapons and verification. This article argues that, regardless of verifiability, such a treaty is urgently needed for the benefit of international peace and security, and for the security interests of spacefaring countries. But in order to serve these purposes effectively, the treaty should at least explicitly prohibit testing, deployment and use of space-based weapons and ground-based anti-satellite weapons. Given the necessary political will, it is feasible to “adequately verify” these constraints. The verification regime should permit the incorporation of new measures in the future, combine international technical means and national technical means, combine remote-sensing technologies and on-site inspections, and be complemented by transparency and confidence-building measures.  相似文献   

9.
Although precise terminology has been invented for all kinds of weapons and battle theories, the language used for arms control remains vague. Precise definitions and demarcations for arms control concepts and regions of outer space can make disarmament discussions more specific and thus more productive. Thie viewpoint puts forward a proposed terminology, in the hope that it will increase the prospects for control of space weapons.  相似文献   

10.
Sustained criticism of the strategy of nuclear deterrence and technological developments in the military uses of space suggest that nuclear weapons may soon be replaced by control of outer space as the USA and USSR's primary instrument of global power. This article traces the change in perceptions of nuclear weapons policy and assesses the potential of outer space as a means of control, and the plans of the two superpowers for its exploitation, especially in the military sphere. The consequences for Western Europe of a shift from nuclear to space-based weapons as the primary guarantor of national security are also discussed.  相似文献   

11.
Global dependence on the space sector is increasing rapidly. However, the growing challenges outer space poses to international security have not, as yet, been effectively addressed in the United Nations Conference on Disarmament (CD) or in other multilateral fora. This paper briefly reviews the current state of affairs of international security and outer space and explores the challenges the international community faces in building international agreements for improved space security and global stability. It examines some of the hurdles that are faced in tackling space security issues are and provides some thinking on ways to overcome them. The paper concludes that there is a potential role for the disarmament community and the CD in particular. As potential conflicts in outer space emerge, having invested bodies and communities such as the CD and a strong cadre of disarmament diplomats and NGOs to act as an informed hub on space and disarmament issues is essential.  相似文献   

12.
Dr Jasani argues the urgent case for establishing an international satellite monitoring agency, with an arms control and conflict observation satellite (ACCOS). He gives examples of recent technology advances and cites the imminent major development of space weapons by the USA and the USSR as a pressing reason for setting up a verification and crisis control mechanism. Both Europe and the non-aligned nations are in a position to participate in orbiting an ACCOS.  相似文献   

13.
Recent progress in the development of an aerospace plane calls for consideration of an applicable legal regime. Since the aerospace plane is by definition a hybrid vehicle, it is unclear whether international air space law or outer space law should be applied to it. This article outlines the practical considerations affecting the debate and compares the existing legal principles and rules that might be applied. The author argues that a new allocative theory, which would take account of the purposes of a hybrid vehicle and its actual effects, is needed to determine whether air space law or outer space law should be applied to it.  相似文献   

14.
James Clay Moltz   《Space Policy》2007,23(4):199-205
Despite predictions to the contrary at various times from 1957 to 2007, the first 50 years of space security have ended without an arms race or military combat. Arguably, the three riskiest years were 1962, 1983, and 2001. Looking for lessons from these cases, we can identify four primary trends that helped states avoid arms races and direct conflicts in orbit: (1) risks of collective “bads”; (2) fear of action–reaction dynamics; (3) the high cost of space weapons; and (4) the asset of transparency. As we look ahead, trends toward a continued focus on these factors in space security seem strong. But successful prevention of future space warfare will require strengthened forms of individual and collective restraint by all actors in space.  相似文献   

15.
Space business competition is presently fueled by two paradoxical phenomena. First, accelerated privatization of space projects leads to the militarization of outer space. Second, this militarization process in turn leads to the increased control of space ventures by a handful of nations. In other words, commerce and the military are going hand in hand to assert national objectives in outer space, no matter what space treaties and international agreements might say, so far. This could be detrimental to the multilateral cooperation spirit that should prevail in many, if not all, outer space ventures, as a consequence of the uniqueness of that environment.  相似文献   

16.
文章分析了与航天器飞行有关的4类空间环境的特点;介绍了国外空间环境试验技术的现状与发展概况。文章还重点分析了未来空间环境探测的发展趋势:加强了对空间环境动态变化的探测;将星座探测摆在重要地位;以地球轨道卫星为发展的主流;利用卫星加大对空间环境探测的力度;加强国际合作。国外空间环境探测的经验表明,我国应重视发展地球轨道探测卫星,尽快提高卫星有效载荷的水平。  相似文献   

17.
The European Union draft Code of Conduct for outer space activities is one of the primary international initiatives, that are currently active, to enhance the safety, security and sustainability of outer space activities. Although the spirit underlying the instrument is commonly shared by space-faring countries, substantial disagreement exists among States as to some of its core provisions. This article proposes that the Code of Conduct should make a clear distinction between commercial activities and military activities, and adopt more balanced measures on the restriction of military activities in outer space.  相似文献   

18.
Instead of preparing for space warfare, the USA could make tremendous use of space activities to enhance global security. Arms control verification, environmental monitoring and international cooperation on space missions are important examples. International space year, 1992, could be the time to launch a triumphant effort such as an international mission to Mars.  相似文献   

19.
Klaus Becher 《Space Policy》1995,11(4):233-238
Control of space-related assets represents a factor of civilian as well as military power. If countries seek unilateral access to space technology for the purpose of aggression against others, international peace and stability are at risk. The author discusses the role of the non-proliferation regime for space technology within an integrated strategy for the promotion of international security and development. He suggests that under certain conditions, allowing the further spread of the use of space-based capabilities can contribute to the stabilization of regional conflict situations. However, certain safeguards, controls and restraints should be required from potential new space powers.  相似文献   

20.
Space weapons     
Bhupendra Jasani   《Space Policy》1985,1(2):164-178
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