CNES—the way forward: A new strategic plan

This article is based on the French space centre's (CNES) new strategic plan, which marks a shift in strategy. Guided in particular by changed political circumstances and the growing maturity of the space industry, the agency plans to renegotiate its relationships in all major sectors. While the inevitability of European integration and hence cooperation is acknowledged, there is a firm commitment to ensuring that French national and foreign policy is well served.     

The Indian EO Programme-national and global drivers

The Indian Earth Observations Program, over the past three decades, has been mainly driven by the national need for natural resources management, environment monitoring and disaster support. With an array of seven Indian Earth Observation Satellites, national development support has been provided through a well-knit institutional framework of a National Natural Resources Management System (NNRMS). A wide variety of applications have been developed as an inter-agency effort over the past 15 years. Now, the capacity of the programme has extended into the global arena and is providing operational data services to the global user community. Positioning of relevant policy guidelines for the EO program to contribute to national endeavor and its transitioning for global outreaching and development of a commercial enterprise — both at national and global levels has been an area of constant attention within ISRO.Issues related to defining the space and data acquisition as a national “public ground”, costing of data products and services and evolving a commercial Earth Observation policy have been addressed for providing the overall thrust of the Indian Earth Observations program. The paper discusses the evolution of the policy in the early stages and its transition today to support a two-pronged strategy of supporting national development support and at the same time, developing a commercial program. The paper also illustrates the success of these policy endeavors through specific cases of applications and development of value added services. The paper also brings out the potential policy adjustments that will be called for in the coming years.     

Administrative reform of Japanese Space Policy Structures in 2012

In Japan, there are several government ministries and agencies with important roles in the development and use of space. In 2012, Japan restructured its administrative organs related to the development and use of space through legal amendments to the original acts that established these organs. Although this was an important administrative reform that took four years of planning and discussion to accomplish, this restructuring has not been communicated well outside of Japan. This study provides the first comprehensive overview of the recent legal changes in Japanese space policy. In contrast to some reports, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) still has primary responsibility for the finances and personnel of the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA). This continues to be true even after the Cabinet Office begins its new role as the focal point for formulating Japanese space policy. It remains to be seen how the policy direction of the Cabinet Office will interact with the operational, financial, and personnel responsibilities of MEXT. I argue that knowledge of the roles of MEXT and the Cabinet Office in space policy, and the tension between the two organizations, is key to understanding Japan's future space policy decision-making process. By tracing the history of Japanese space policy since 2001, I also suggest that if bureaucrats had thought more deeply before making major reforms to space policy and its administration, there would have been less confusion over the development of national space policy this past decade. This paper concludes by identifying some key elements to monitor in the coming years of Japan's space policy.     

Power from space: the policy challenge

The scientific community has long embraced the concept of globalized collaboration, recognizing that scientific inquiry knows no borders and that scientific theory transcends nationality. With respect to translating scientific and technological innovation into practical application, however, national, political, and ideological barriers suddenly arise. At a time when the worlds of economics and finance are rapidly globalizing, the world of applied science lags behind — despite increasingly urgent need for global energy solutions. In the context of considering space solar power (SSP) systems, the author contends that these solutions require new ways of determining costs and benefits; that scientific experts should seek active engagement in the policy arena; and that SSP's scientific community has a critical role to play in advocating for consideration of space-based energy solutions.     

A normal space power? Understanding ‘security’ in Japan's space policy discourse

With the enactment of its ‘Basic Space Law’ in 2008, a significant shift occurred in Japan's space policy away from a narrowly circumscribed interpretation of the concept of space for ‘peaceful purposes’ to a broad understanding of space for ‘security’. Viewed in a global context, Japanese space policy appears symptomatic of a broadened and more malleable understanding of space for security purposes, as already advocated by several other leading spacefaring powers, and proponents of this understanding of space for security argue that this is consistent with international standards and the expectations of a ‘normal’ space power. By attempting to redefine understandings of ‘peace’ and ‘security’, however, the Basic Space Law and subsequent direction of Japanese space policy raise complex and ongoing issues over the interpretation of Japan's ‘Peace Constitution’. This article reviews policy and academic discussions of the recent evolution of Japanese space policy in this respect, arguing that greater emphasis on ‘security’ – understood in a deliberately broad sense in policy terms – has been key to articulating and justifying the reformulation and redirection of Japanese space policy, but that this also brings with it room for ambiguity over the exact nature of Japan's space ambitions at both national and regional levels.     

Dominance in space — a new means of exercising global power?

Sustained criticism of the strategy of nuclear deterrence and technological developments in the military uses of space suggest that nuclear weapons may soon be replaced by control of outer space as the USA and USSR's primary instrument of global power. This article traces the change in perceptions of nuclear weapons policy and assesses the potential of outer space as a means of control, and the plans of the two superpowers for its exploitation, especially in the military sphere. The consequences for Western Europe of a shift from nuclear to space-based weapons as the primary guarantor of national security are also discussed.     

Israel's space program as a national asset

This article seeks to illuminate the implications of a small state's entry into the realm of space for its national security by inquiring into the space policy of the State of Israel. Israel's technological infrastructure in space boosts Israel's technological advantage, thereby allowing it to enhance military capabilities, as well as contributing in a number of non-military fields. It increases the quality of human resources, encourages scientific research, fortifies the economy, nurtures civilian and defense industries and ultimately contributes to the building of an advanced, highly developed society. Hence, a strong, state-of-the-art, Israeli space program is highly important to its national security in a wider sense.     

The emerging China–EU space partnership: A geotechnological balancer

Through a techno-nationalist lens, this paper will assess the growing China–European Union (EU) space partnership, and its implications for international space cooperation and competition. Techno-nationalism (jishu minzuzhuyi), the idea that technological strength is an effective determinant of national power in a harshly competitive world,³ informs both Chinese and US perceptions of China's space development. Using this lens elevates all space activities—manned, unmanned, military and scientific—to the strategic level. It is our contention that because of the increasing China–EU space partnership, the USA must re-evaluate its approach to China—away from the containment approach, which has thus far predominated, toward an approach which would offer the USA the opportunity to influence and, thereby, decrease the importance of the emerging partnership.     

Better ways of getting into the space business: microeconomic reform in Australian space affairs

This personal view of trends in global space enterprise suggests that, unless they adapt and re-structure, large-scale national and regional space agencies built on traditional lines may struggle to survive, at least in the developed world. With the growing maturity of speculative private sector space initiatives, the role of traditional space agencies as project managers and mediators between providers and the market may become redundant, while in the absence of a cogent national security argument, public interest in space is no longer to be relied upon to deliver large national space budgets. Australia’s newest space mission, the FedSat scientific microsatellite, was announced at the same time as the former national space program was terminated. This process and its consequences are examined as an instance of microeconomic reform, which seeks to improve productivity and competitiveness by producing a regulatory and infrastructure environment that gives business more flexibility. Historical circumstances unique to Australia may have contributed to this change of direction, but many contributing elements also apply elsewhere. The features of the new approach are identification of public sector space needs; selecting the most suitable team from both public and private sectors to manage the project; and the acceptance of a large proportion of the risk by the proponents.     

China's rise in space and US policy responses: A collision course?

China's opaque politics present particular difficulties for US space policy. Heavily invested in and reliant on space, the US will closely monitor China's burgeoning space program. New space powers, and the increasing use of space generally will further create significant challenges, most particularly to the reliance of states on space for national security. In order to maintain its space capabilities, the US will have to decide between securing this via multilateral and co-operative uses of space, or through trying to maintain a level of dominance over other space actors. While very gradually shifting away from the latter position, Washington's policy choices are complicated by the lack of a clear Chinese space strategy. While the Chinese space program, and its wider intentions, are opaque, tenure of a more cooperative approach course might prove fragile.     

Lessons from half a century experience of Japanese solid rocketry since Pencil rocket

50 years have passed since a tiny rocket “Pencil” was launched horizontally at Kokubunji near Tokyo in 1955. Though there existed high level of rocket technology in Japan before the end of the second World War, it was not succeeded by the country after the War. Pencil therefore was the substantial start of Japanese rocketry that opened the way to the present stage.In the meantime, a rocket group of the University of Tokyo contributed to the International Geophysical Year in 1957–1958 by developing bigger rockets, and in 1970, the group succeeded in injecting first Japanese satellite OHSUMI into earth orbit. It was just before the launch of OHSUMI that Japan had built up the double feature system of science and applications in space efforts. The former has been pursued by ISAS (the Institute of Space and Astronautical Science) of the University of Tokyo, and the latter by NASDA (National Space Development Agency). This unique system worked quite efficiently because space activities in scientific and applicational areas could develop rather independently without affecting each other.Thus Japan's space science ran up rapidly to the international stage under the support of solid propellant rocket technology, and, after a 20 year technological introduction period from the US, a big liquid propellant launch vehicle, H-II, at last was developed on the basis of Japan's own technology in the early 1990's. On October 1, 2003, as a part of Governmental Reform, three Japanese space agencies were consolidated into a single agency, JAXA (Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency), and Japan's space efforts began to walk toward the future in a globally coordinated fashion, including aeronautics, astronautics, space science, satellite technology, etc., at the same time. This paper surveys the history of Japanese rocketry briefly, and draws out the lessons from it to make a new history of Japan's space efforts more meaningful.     

International coordination of space solar power related activities

Because the need for energy is global, and many energy networks are already interdependent, because no one country has sufficient technological capability or sufficient funds to provide a space solar powered solution on its own, and because any such solution will require international regulation, international coordination will be vital to any attempt to produce energy for Earth from space. This will be made easier by the fact that work on the subject has already been widely publicized and distributed and cooperative efforts have already been made. Various coordinating approaches are described and the need to forge partnerships between government, industry and academia — with greater involvement of all non-space groups concerned with energy — is emphasized. A “terracing approach” to the actual implementation of SPS is suggested and outlined.     

Satellite communications and the Internet: implications for the outer space treaty

The speedily expanding Internet is in the process of transforming the technological, economic, and policy bases for nation-state regulation of telecommunications, including space-based satellite networks. Deployment of the packet-switched Internet has accelerated the liberalization of telecommunications markets and has led to far-reaching regulatory restructuring and policy shifts regarding state ownership and control of networks and information flows. As space-based GMPCS networks become integral parts of the globalizing Internet infrastructure, the state-centric legal paradigm requiring state “authorization and continuing supervision” of space activities by “non-governmental entities” stipulated under Article VI of the OST and associated treaties forming the outer space legal regime will be called increasingly into question. This paper examines the technological, economic/trade, and security issues that question whether the existing state-centric paradigm for regulating Internel-based GMPCS satellite systems will remain in legal phase with emerging liberalized regulatory regimes for terrestrial Internet-based infractructures.     

Administrative reforms and the policy logics of Japanese space policy

The Japanese administrative reform which took place in recent years integrated NASDA and ISAS to create a larger space agency. Why was such an agency called for? What was the purpose behind the administrative reform? This article examines the motivations, objectives and responses to the reform process by using policy logic and institutional analysis to examine the evolution of the Japanese space programme. It argues that the reform aimed to rationalize the national administrative system and salvage the government from financial crisis. Thus, the reform was not designed to strengthen space activities in Japan, and as a result, Japanese space policy making is confused.     

Some comments on the ESA/EU space strategy

Not only have the European Space Agency (ESA) and the European Union Commission succeeded in producing a joint space strategy within the time set for it, they have created a substantial and worthwhile document which recognises the importance of space for Europe and acknowledges that ESA—not national agencies—is the right body for the conduct of Europe's space efforts. Nevertheless, the strategy's lack of any government financial commitment is a worry— Public–Private Partnerships will never be enough—as is its failure to include any thought for the long term, and in particular manned flight. This critique of the strategy argues for more government spending on space and for greater long-term vision.     

The USA and international competition in space transportation

This article discusses the crisis facing the USA in the formulation of its space transportation policy, within the context of its overall national space policy. The author examines developments in international space transportation from 1982 to 1992, and the failure of US policies to meet foreign commercial competition in space launches. Two goals have emerged from the US policy debate: to achieve assured access to space, and to reduce the costs of sending payloads to orbit. Both goals need to be faced within the context of a wider commitment by government and private industry to space investment.     

European thoughts on the new US defence strategy: A major repositioning in a difficult budgetary context

The USA adopted a new defence strategy in 2012 which responds to the changing geopolitical landscape and straightened economic circumstances. The emphasis is on leaner, more flexible and diversified operations, while priority areas have shifted from Europe to the Asia-Pacific (in acknowledgement of China's growing military might) and the Middle East. This will have consequences for Europe, which is now expected to take a greater share of the strategic burden. The major developments in the strategy – such as eschewing the pursuit of lengthy engagements on more than one front, and using the military to complement diplomatic and economic initiatives – are discussed. Europe is urged to respond by maintaining its national strategic and industrial autonomy, including in access to space and missile defence.     

Meeting the needs of the new millennium: passenger space travel and world economic growth

Without doubt, humans’ most urgent need at the start of the new millennium is the continuation of economic growth, which is the only means by which the great majority of the world population can lift themselves out of the poverty in which they live. A sine qua non for continuing economic growth is for the rich countries to continue to develop new industries—as they did throughout the 20th century, thereby creating high-productivity employment for hundreds of millions of people around the world. Arguably the most significant of these thus far is the development of passenger air travel from zero in 1900 to 1.5 billion passengers per year by 2000. It is becoming clear that passenger space travel could grow to reach a similar economic scale—and that no other space activity has comparable potential. The paper describes the potential contribution to world economic growth of passenger space travel; the failure of government space agencies either to aid its development or to make a contribution to economic growth commensurate to their cost; and the value for economic policy of prioritising the realisation of passenger space travel. The faster passenger space travel services grow, the more the space industry will contribute to “Meeting the Needs of the New Millennium”.     

Technical, organizational and political dynamics of the International Space Station program

This paper analyzes the dynamics of cooperation of the International Space Station (ISS) program from its inception in 1981 to the final Framework Agreements for cooperation concluded in 1998. These dynamics include technical and organizational arrangements, and policy preferences. Dynamics related to technical arrangements deal with technological and scientific resources, the former governed through mechanisms for control of technology transfer, the latter regulated through intellectual property rights provisions. The dynamics linked to organizational arrangements concern authority patterns—characterized by national and international responses—and bilateral and multilaterial decision-making patterns. The dynamics of policy preferences encompass functional and symbolic dimensions. Functional issues are structured through legal and political regimes that govern the ISS program. The symbolic dimension, which includes prestige, legitimacy, influence and international accountability, frames the nature of the cooperation realized for the ISS program. ISS cooperation has evolved through three stages: (1) coordination, where collaboration is engendered through institutional (International Coordinating Working Group) and ad hoc cooperative relationships (groups of scientists and engineers sharing information); (2) augmentation, which equates with technological enhancements of a national project that involve primarily bilateral arrangements; (3) interdependence, which deals with cooperation in enabling and critical path technologies that are arranged both bilaterally and multilaterally.     

The eagle eyes the dragon in space—A critique

China's space policy and its purpose have become an increasingly contentious subject. This paper critically examines the claims, made by Ashley Tellis, among others, that China has a space strategy decided and coordinated by the Chinese military and dedicated to defeating superior US power locally in an asymmetrical war, and that it is this military space strategy that drives China's single-minded pursuit of space science and technology and the development of China's space programme. To do so, the paper conducts two investigations: into the declining role of the Chinese military in China's foreign and security policy making and its limited influence in formulating China's grand strategy; and the other into the contingent history of China's two space programs, Shenzhou and Chang'e, which have largely been driven by civilian scientist communities, rather than the military. In so doing, I argue that the claims of China's ‘military space strategy’ are over-imaginative and serve a particular political purpose. The social imaginary of a threatening China produced by the US strategic gaze at China in space, I further argue, has dangerous policy implications.